The article seeks to retrace the theoretical approaches to the problem of exceptionality of power, i.e., the manifestation of sovereign power within a limited government with shared power - as in the tradition of mixed Constitution (longstanding in political thinking) - in the 17th and 18th centuries. Already present in authors like Machiavelli, Harrington, and Locke, the debate bifurcated between England and France in the early 18th century. The specificities of English politics led it to consecrate a tradition of mixed Constitutionalism in which the discretionary element lost relevance in the political system as a whole. In France, on the other hand, the unpopularity of the nobility and the centrality of sovereignty as a concept disaccredited formulas that compromised with the discretionary nature of power. This bifurcation contributed to the formation of two distinct patterns of Constitutional government: the Anglo-Saxon and the French/Continental.

The aim of this study was to analyze reproductive behavior based on women's occupation in the work market. The hypothesis is that given occupations are associated with different strategies by women in relation to fertility, resulting in different reproductive histories. The study used the database from the Population Census for 2000 conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE). Women's birth histories were reconstructed, and demographic tools were used to perform a descriptive analysis of the relationship between women's reproductive behavior and their occupation. According to the findings, women in more highly qualified occupational groups tended to have fewer children and postpone motherhood longer.

The article analyzes public policies for promoting equal employment opportunities in terms of race and gender in Brazil, with a double focus. First, seeking to reclaim the historical perspective in the policies' implementation, considering the difficulties they have encountered; second, through reflections on the policies' limits and potentialities. Since such policies have only been implemented recently in Brazil, the article focuses especially on how Federal government planning for 2004-2007 and 2008-2011 has dealt with gender and race inequalities.

The main objective of this article is to analyze the modern Japanese political system within a comparative framework, especially that of multiple modernities and their civilizational roots. The point of departure for this analysis is the fact that while in organizational terms the modern Japanese political system is a modern Constitutional system, similar to those of Europe, its political dynamic is manifested in the structure and orientations of protest movements, the establishment of the problem of community and civil society, and the dynamic of regime changes that differs greatly from the European. Such differences are rooted in non-Axial premises of Japanese civilization that have crystallized over the course of the long Japanese historical experience and have shaped some of the main differences between the Meiji Revolution and the Great Revolutions.

Due to the strategies implemented by post-Independence Ibero-American states to curtail political participation, exile was mainly reserved as a privilege for ostracized members of the elite, who drew on their support networks in the process. The late 19th and early 20th centuries witnessed a process of "mass exile", expressed by a growing number of exiles from different social classes, excluded due to their participation in politics and public spheres. The expansion of institutional exclusion spawned solidarity networks and increasing attention by the international community towards politics in the exiles' home countries. Old domestic political issues found a transnational echo, based on a growing concern over human rights violations and political persecution. This process produced a radical transformation in the structure, impact, and functioning of political exile from Ibero-American countries.

Unlike classical public policy analyses that emphasize the policymakers' role, this article argues that the choices by professionals that directly implement policies inside primary schools have a significant impact on their outcome. The analysis is based on a survey of 800 State and Municipal first-to-fourth-grade schoolteachers in São Paulo and was based on a typology of teachers using the "grade of membership" (GoM) technique. This analysis showed that the types of teachers are allocated differently according to the school system (State versus Municipal) and school locations (poor versus non-poor neighborhoods).

The aim of this article is to analyze how the São Paulo criminal justice system handles homicide cases reported through the State's police precincts (from 1991 to 1998) and the respective law enforcement and legal ramifications. The data were obtained from the Seade Foundation database. Using this information, the study showed that non-legal variables like color and age play a key role in understanding the system's rulings and sentences in murder cases.